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Belfast live: Stab victim may be woken from coma within 48 hours Denne artikkelen oppgraderes. Etter sist nytt virker det som det ikke lenge er uro, muligens hadde lojalistkommandantene grepet inn da de innså at oppstyret var langt verre enn antatt, men dette betviles. Uansett har politiet nå fått inn alle forsterkninger de trenger mens de nordirske politikerne innså at konsekvensene kan bli mye større, for sinnet i London er veldig stor mens det er sterk internasjonal oppmerksomhet - spesielt fra land som er viktig for den fellesirske utenrikshandelen. Mange av innvandrerne i Belfast er ikke sårbare underklassefolk, de har forbindelser med både arbeidsgiver, slektninger og kjente. Det kom dessuten ut at det er toryene som hadde opprettholdt ordningen som ble kansellert i senere tid, den såkalte SAP (streamlined asylum process) som gjort at Alodid hadde kunne få oppholdelsestillatelse for fem år i 2023 etter å ha entret Nord-Irland over grensen. Med bakgrunnen i SAP, som tar utgangspunktet i at immigranter fra Afghanistan, Eritrea, Libya, Sudan, Syria og Jemen trenger ikke å intervjues under asylsøknad, hadde sudaneren kunne bli værende på britisk grunn. SAP-ordningen var avskaffet så snart toryene ble kastet ut fra makten. En av mennene som reddet Ogilvie er forresten en innvandrer...

Ifølge politiet var den mistenkte marokkaner. Ifølge italienske nyhetsbyråer ble kvinnens kropp funnet 18. februar 2026 i Scandicci utenfor Firenze, og den mistenkte ble arrestert 20. februar 2026.

Voices: I wish I could say this is not my Belfast – but mob rule has never been far away - NewsBreak Mer om den nordirske pøbelkulturen. The most chilling thing about Belfast this week was not the fires. It was how familiar everything felt. It began timidly, by Belfast standards. Barricades were set up, roads blocked, bins burned. Swirls of smoke drifted and faded, cloaking homes in a fine grey mist. All this was seen from a bird’s-eye view, witnessed through a lens that could zoom in on every street corner in the city from a thousand feet in the air. It struck me that this was how the British security forces would have viewed my parents and grandparents during the Troubles: from helicopters that droned above their homes in West Belfast, surveilling them through cameras much like the one I was looking through now. I wish I could say that this is not the Belfast I grew up in, but loyalist mobs rampaging through the city is nothing new to us. It’s almost part and parcel, and except for a few years in the 2010s and 2020s, there is usually some kind of grievance that has led to whole sections of the city shutting down. Instead of contested parade routes, or flag disputes, or even the outrageous instance in 2001 when loyalists violently blockaded a girls’ primary school, the orchestrated violence has been redirected towards a new source: immigrants and asylum seekers. At around 9pm, things started to escalate. Small crowds morphed into large, roving mobs and streamed through the terraced streets with intent. A Glider bus was burned in East Belfast. Cars were torched on driveways in Tiger’s Bay. Windows were smashed, doors kicked in. Specific homes were targeted, but those being targeted on the streets were fair game if they were ethnically or religiously different – or perceived to be. Of course, the perpetrators had their phones out, recording, and of course, those videos found their way into my WhatsApp chats. I was struck by how much joy they took in what they were doing, their ecstatic voices chanting “foreigners out” and “kill all Muslims”. It was as though they had been waiting for this to happen, and they were ready for it. I watched the Sky News livestream from Belfast for about two hours. The footage was being shot from a helicopter that roved back and forth across the city, recording crowds of teenagers, mostly dressed in black, masked up and preparing for what would become the worst night of racially motivated violence in the north of Ireland since the disturbances in Ballymena almost exactly a year ago, in June 2025. Suddenly, the helicopter swung round, heading north, and moved with some urgency towards a plume of grey smoke hanging over Ligoniel. Houses were on fire: two at the end of a row and one across the road. The blaze was spreading too, from one home to the next, while a mob of around 200 people stood at the end of the street watching. A family, including a small child, had locked themselves inside a house two doors up from the raging flames. I watched a group of firefighters bang on their door and window and scream through the letterbox, trying to coax them out. The family chose to wait until the very last minute, when smoke from the neighbouring house was no doubt finding its way into their home. They only decided to leave when they realised the people banging on their door were firefighters. I can only imagine the acute and terrible fear they must have experienced in those moments, when they were forced to choose between facing the fire that might consume them and the mob that had started it. Watching that family scramble down the street away from the flames, the mother clutching her child to her chest, I couldn’t help but think about the past. I thought about how mobs of loyalists, driven by the same supremacist ideology, burned an entire street to the ground on the Falls Road in 1969. The street was called Bombay Street, and the people forced from their homes and reduced to refugees in their own country were working-class Catholics. Three thousand of them would suffer the same fate within a month. This was no anomaly. The state-sanctioned pogroms that accompanied the early years of partition were still within living memory for many: 650 houses burned, 8,000 people forced from their homes, and 6,000 from their jobs in that period alone. The parallels are difficult to ignore. The methods employed by these fascistic actors are strikingly familiar. Instead of Catholics, ethnic minorities are now the target. Making that connection feels urgent. Although much of the violence that took place in Belfast this week was carried out by loyalists in majority-Protestant areas, there has also been an upsurge in anti-immigrant sentiment among some Catholics. Thankfully, it has not yet taken hold in any significant way. History still steers the ship. Whenever we begin to drift off course, we can use that inherited past to reorient ourselves and remember our parents and grandparents, and the lengths they were willing to go to ensure we would not suffer the injustices they endured. They were once the powerless and unprotected minority in a sectarian state that worked tooth and nail to marginalise them. We owe it to them to stand against this new incarnation of a destructive ideology that echoes so much of the one that shaped their day-to-day lives.

Man kan si at politiet allerede er hevet over, siden politiet har utvidede fullmakter i forhold til en vanlig borger i Norge. Det sier seg selv, de skal håndheve loven og har lovhjemmel for å utøve makt om nødvendig for å gjennomføre sitt samfunnsoppdrag. Bruk av droner vil isåfall være en videreføring av dette. Mulig det trengs ytterligere fullmakter i lov for å iverksette det.

Sekt.

Lojalistsympatisører og kjennere har prøvd å tilbakevise påstandene om lojalistparamilitære er involvert i det som var definitive organiserte og koordinerte handlinger, endog forsøkt seg ved å ville be politiet "bringe inn" paramilitæres ledelse for å gjenopprette ro og orden - akkurat som i Jugoslavia i 1991-92. Men, det er klart at nesten samtidige opptøyer i Belfast har utgangspunktet i de protestantiske selvisolerte bydistrikter og fra lokalsamfunn som er tungt infisert av paramilitære som er egentlig mer å anse som mafiagjenger og banditter. Why is it mainly loyalists rioting in Belfast? Monday’s alleged attempted beheading in North Belfast was not the first time an act of brutality has taken place in the area. During the Troubles, it was one of the most violent and dangerous parts of Northern Ireland. Robert Curtis, the first British soldier to be killed in the Troubles, was shot by the IRA in New Lodge. North Belfast was also the grim stage for many of the brutal sectarian killings carried out by the Shankill Butchers. It is a deeply deprived part of the city and the population shifts and turmoil of the late 1960s and early 70s turned it into an ethnic and confessional maze. Terraced houses in Catholic and Protestant areas wearily rub up against each other, giving this part of the city the quality of a Coronation Street with peace walls. It has also had its own Ulster version of demographic change, with the area’s Catholic population now larger than its Protestant one. Thirty years ago, North Belfast returned an Ulster Unionist MP with a comfortable five figure majority; since 2019, it has been represented by Sinn Fein’s John Finucane. On reading that the alleged attacker had been beaten away from his victim by a man with a hurling stick, it was immediately clear the incident had taken place in a republican and nationalist part of North Belfast. By contrast, the areas where the subsequent rioting and burning of homes took place – like the Newtownards Road in East Belfast, where the kerb stones are very much red, white and blue – were staunchly unionist. Indeed, there has been anecdotal reporting that in one part of North Belfast, nationalist residents watched on from afar as loyalist youths started rioting. While there have also been reports of some nationalist and loyalist rioters joining forces in East Belfast, it is loyalists who have been at the centre of the disturbances, despite the crime being committed in a nationalist part of the community. Why is it loyalist youths predominantly rioting in the city? A feeling of insecurity has long been part of the Ulster loyalist mindset, particularly in working class parts of the city, where there are neighbouring Catholic and Protestant populations. And in North Belfast, the loyalist ceding of ground to nationalists has been compounded by the impact of immigration. The 2021 census showed that 3.4 per cent of the Northern Irish population belonged to a minority ethnic group, a figure which has doubled since 2011. As in the rest of the UK, many of these new arrivals have been directed to deprived areas with strained housing, job opportunities and amenities without much thought from the Home Office. Anti-immigration violence has become an increasing feature of loyalism in recent years – with rioting in 2024 and 2025 in response to Southport and Ballymena. Given this, the response to the alleged beheading was almost priced in. By contrast, the response has been markedly more subdued in nationalist areas. Rather than engaging with the details – the lead suspect, who has been charged, is a Sudanese man who took a flight from Paris to Dublin and then a bus to Belfast, and was immediately granted leave to remain – nationalist leaders have focused on the effects. There was a dark irony in Gerry Adams of all people condemning retaliatory violence in response to the crime. Colum Eastwood and Claire Hanna of the SDLP have intoned at length about the meddling hands of English politicians and social media in stirring up trouble. Their response is an effective resignation from political and social reality. Irish nationalism relies on tales of famine and migration and supposed colonial oppression to justify its existence. Engaging with the challenges posed by unfettered immigration is therefore intellectually and emotionally uncomfortable for Sinn Fein, the SDLP and the rest of the nationalist constellation. However, below the surface, there appears to be some pushback to the official nationalist commitment to kumbaya politics. Protests and violence in response to immigration are on the rise in the Republic – indeed, a march calling for a referendum on the EU Migration Pact took place on Wednesday. The Irish Republican Socialist Party has also said that Sinn Fein is ignoring working class concerns about immigration. Avoiding the conversation can only serve political nationalism for so long. If the structural failings of both governments in Dublin and London on immigration continue – and incidents similar to the events of Monday happen again in nationalist and republican areas – then the potential for genuine cross-community rioting cannot be discounted. De katolske nasjonalistene holdt seg unna med meget få unntak, da Sinn Fein med rette anser ikke immigrasjon som en trussel - med tanke på at irsk immigrasjon inn i Nord-Irland er i deres interesse, da de har ambisjoner om gjenforening av hele den irske øya, og selv om andelen migrantene hadde vokst og det var voksende problemer omkring borett - det er en merkelig lov som pålagt begrensninger på antall boende i en bolig - som ikke var respektert av nyinnflyttede migranter - har det så langt ikke nådd samme skala som annetsteds. Over 97 % av befolkningen i Nord-Irland er "white", og ved å studere sammensetningen av migrantbefolkningen på bare 3,4 % (hva faen er dette for en trussel?!!) vist det seg at de fleste fremmedkulturelle er britiskspråklige (oxford-engelsk) fra tidlige britiske kolonier (Sudan er i denne kategorien), og en stor del er ikke-britiske hvite fra europeiske land. Det som kan ha motiverte lojalistene - som har en lang historie med tvetydelighet, dobbeltstandard og løgnaktighet i et samfunn som er noe av det minste transparente i hele Europa - er fordi "balansen" hadde blitt justert til fordel for katolikkene som utgjør 45,7 % mot protestantene med 43,48 %. Det sies det er fordi den største innvandringsgruppen er katolske polakker. Men dessverre hadde anti-immigrasjonspolitikk spredt seg til Irland som på mange er langt mer konservativt - stundom enda mer enn Polen - og dette skal ha blitt straks adoptert av folk som nå opplever harde tider pga. Brexit og EUs problemer etter lang tids oppsving. Selv om det også er fleste hvite - deriblant amerikanerne - som utgjør innvandrerne, hvor andelen muslimer og ikke-britiskspråklige fremmedkulturelle er meget lite. Bare 1,6 % av befolkningen inneha muslimsk tro i Irland. Irene ser ikke ut til å fatte at disse rasistiske pogromene og voksende hets mot en minoritet som utgjør bare få prosentdeler er intet mer enn vanærende og fornedrende av den verste sorten - og kunne bare forklares ved at det ikke har blitt tatt et oppgjør med sektismen. Det er mye lettere å forstå reaksjoner i land med MYE STØRRE M-Y-E S-T-Ø-R-R-E innvandringsandel som i England hvor det er rundt 18 % - nesten alt dette konsentrert i Stor-London og større storbyer. Så hvorfor hendt det ikke mer hyppigere der enn i Nord-Irland? Og mange som oppmuntre dette fram, nekte å innse at de risikere å havne i samme plass som serbiske massemorderne fra året 1991. Det er rett og slett for farlig.

Trening.

Nå hører vi to på: When I`m Sixty-Four - The Beatles.❤️❤️❤️❤️

Vi kommer til og se på noen av kampene.

38%

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Vi har en underlig klovn i det Hvite Hus for tiden, som de fleste har fått med seg. Hva er din "favoritt" av alt idiotiet som han lirer av seg? Min må være denne tror jeg. Handler ikke om politikk i det hele tatt. Men her står lederen av den frie verden rett og slett og skryter av kuken til en avdød golfspiller.... Det savner sidestykke i historien blant presidenter må jeg anta. Får jeg håpe... (72) Trump says Arnold Palmer was 'all man' - YouTube

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Katolisismen

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Ford på både Ciaran & Ciara Buss eller Tog??

Rakett

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